Saturday, 24 January 2015

Cuba -- Socialism -- Anarchism (Part 1)

Some time back, after we got the news about the recent rapprochement between Cuba and the USA, I had an online discussion with some friends on the significance of this development. Thinking that it might be a good contribution to understanding the prospect for eco-socialism, I am reproducing below my contributions (Nos. 2 and 7) along with the relevant parts of some other contributions. A second part will follow.

(1) On 18.12.2014, Kamran Nayeri wrote
:

“And today, we have the wonderful news that U.S. and Cuba have reached an agreement to release prisoners and open embassies in each other's capital. Obama has announced further liberalization ….
    The announcement … is nothing short of a decisive victory for the Cuban revolution. 
    A growing section of the American ruling class recognized that they are isolated in the world community and in the United States itself in their Cold War approach to Cuba. In the last U.N. vote only two countries--the U.S. and Israel--voted against the resolution that condemned the U.S. embargo.”

(2) I (Saral) wrote to him the same day:


 “I am afraid you are rejoicing too early. And if the Cuban revolutionaries are still real revolutionaries, they too are rejoicing too early. This news actually filled me with consternation.
    I remember having heard a bon mot of Latin American (perhaps Argentinean) origin: “Do you know why there has never been a coup d’état or a regime change in the US? Because there is no US-embassy in Washington”. The US embassy personnel anywhere in the world are actually CIA personnel. Their embassies are packed with electronic bugging equipment. And they will come to Havana with millions of dollar bank notes in their suitcases to buy up those who are today only dissatisfied. Soon there will be a color revolution against Raul Castro’s government. And then the Cuban revolution will finally be history.
    You may have got the news that the US embassy in Berlin even bugged the private handy conversations of Angela Merkel. You may have read about the strategy of the former Federal Republic of Germany to overcome socialism in the GDR: It was called “change through trade” (“Wandel durch Handel”). They succeeded eminently, you know!
    In the German media, the commentators said American companies will now heavily invest in Cuba. Raul Castro’s government has already implemented/enforced many measures to encourage/compel Cubans to work as small capitalists. From now on they will do what the Chinese did. And in the end we shall have a capitalist Cuba with a “communist” party ruling the country.
    You know much more about Cuba. It would be great if you could write an informative article that might allay my consternation.”

(3)
Jonathan wrote on 22.12.2012

“I would add a few thoughts re Cuba.
    I am certainly no expert, … but I share Saral's consternation. Washington's move to end the embargo likely signifies that they now feel ready to move from outright punishment of a successful rebel state, towards the ultimate goal of full integration of Cuba into neo-liberal globalization (a goal they have for other 'rogue' states - see Syria, Iran, Libya etc). This, in my view, is not just the project of U.S 'imperialism' but a strategic goal shared by what I and others would call a
Transnational Elite (TE). .… They will likely seek to work with dissatisfied Cuban constituencies, to build and promote a 'colour revolution' in Cuba. This almost always takes the form of liberal 'democracy' (which has very little to do with authentic democracy - in fact often flaunts democratic procedures - see Ukraine!) combined with the opening and liberalization of economies, so that the TNCs who control the world economy can get greater access and start promoting consumer culture in Cuba (at least for those Cuban's who have thick enough wallets to engage in it!)! .....
    All that said, Cuba of course has the right to celebrate the end of the embargo and make use of it to develop its economy as it sees fit. But they would be wise not to see this as end to the hostility, but rather a new strategy by the TE, to end its little revolution once and for all.    
    But I also have a question for you Saral. … I have spoken recently to friends of mine who went to Cuba. They are not leftists, but honest folk. Their (anecdotal) reports about life in Cuba were not positive. They speak spanish and claimed to talk to many locals in native tongue who, they claimed, almost always reported dissatisfaction, even outright hostility, towards the government. My friends reported poor services even, they claimed, in the highly regarded educational/health sectors (although I am somewhat skeptical here because it is very hard to get an accurate sense of social services from tourism!). They reported several stories of Cubans who wanted to advance themselves, mainly materially, but also just in terms of their occupational skill etc, but found a lack of opportunities and incentives. There was a widespread sense of people feeling  trapped in Cuba without any chance of traveling overseas to seek opportunities. This, of course, is the common lot of the world's poor but, perhaps, I had expected something better in Cuba. I say all this because I know you have made a case, in your book, for the necessity of a frugal socialist society. What answer would you provide to my friends if, indeed, their reports are (roughly) correct?
    As you have noted above, Cuba is slowly liberalizing its economy to allow for private sector among small businesses. In your book 'eco-socialism or eco-capitalism' I recall that you said that while there could be a small/family buisness sector, the means of production (land, technology etc) would have to be nationally/socially owned or controlled by society and leased to tenants. Does the Cuban situation pose a challenge to this scenario? What are your main reasons for thinking that the problems that seem to have beset Cuba's attempt at socialism could be addressed in a future eco-socialist society? I know you have thought deeply about this. I also know that a future eco-socialist society would (have to) differ dramatically from 20th century attempts at socialism, even in Cuba. … For me, one huge deficit in 20th century state-socialism, no less Cuba, is obviously the lack of democracy. This must have crippled any attempts to bring about the 'new man' motivated by moral rather than material incentives, as hoped by Che Guevara. Any eco-socalism would also have to be built around direct-participatory democracy in all spheres of life.“

(4) Ted Trainer wrote on 23.12.2015

“Just a note on one of the themes the discussion of Cuba raises.  Firstly I think Saral and Jonathan are quite right to worry about the new direction.  The Transnational Elite is fiercely and ruthlessly committed to getting everything.  They have in general been rather ham fisted and brutal but the lifting of sanctions seems a bit more savvy than usual.  It has seemed to me that for decades they have been too dumb to realise that lifting sanctions and enabling trade and investment with Cuba would be the easiest and quickest way to put the rot into the system.  You can now confidently predict that the rich in Cuba will start to pull away from the rest and generate the usual force for privileges and greater involvement in the global economy where they can best prosper.  The development will also greatly increase opportunities for foreign capital to go in and link with the local compradors, generating more pressure on the government to shift from the policies that have enabled such remarkable provision for the poor, equity and justice.
    As I see it, the Cubans have always faced a dreadful dilemma between the authoritarian rule that has enabled remarkable provision for the masses, by stopping the rich from grabbing more than their fair share, and on the other hand democracy and “freedom”.  This has been the problem for the classical model of socialism.  I can see that if the planet is to be saved or if tolerable societies are to be organised it may well be necessary for socialist governments to rule with a very heavy hand.  In the present world there are two powerful classes that will massively resist such goals and would have to be forced to accept them, a) the capitalist class plus lackeys, b) just about every one else in rich countries,  who believe in freedom of enterprise and well-stocked supermarkets. (So how on earth does the socialist think we are going to get socialist governments in to save us?)
    This general “socialist problem”, and the particular problem Cuba faces, cannot be solved unless and until people in general have accepted a Simpler Way world view.  Only if/when people understand that cooperative, frugal, self-sufficient etc. lifestyles and systems are necessary, and attractive, will they be willing to build and run sensible settlements and systems with no need for authoritarian governments.  Thus the implication for action which is implied by the version of eco-anarchism I endorse; i.e.., working on developing that understanding is the most important thing to do.”

(5) On 26.12.2014, Peter, who is an anarchist, wrote:

 “Afraid I’m going to throw the black cat among the red pigeons here re. the Cuba conversation, folks.
    As a non-violent, non-sectarian anarchist (for want of a better term), I have often felt queasy at a lot of progressive/leftist discourse about the international politics of nation states or ‘geopolitics’ and have refused to join in because I didn’t share the hidden assumptions and perspectives. They felt plain wrong, even dangerous.
    If we believe in the crucial distinction between order-givers and order-takers (no matter what the current level of awareness of the latter), I’d argue that we should avoid personifying states in our discussion where possible. Rather, our language should express the obvious: the Bronx taxi driver, Walmart check-out chick or Vermont small farmer won’t be doing anything to ‘Cuba’, it’s Obama and the transnational capital interests/elites he serves who will or won’t.
    Equally, it is in no way ‘Cubans’ in general who ‘
have always faced a dreadful dilemma between the authoritarian rule that has enabled remarkable provision for the masses, by stopping the rich from grabbing more than their fair share, and on the other hand democracy and “freedom”’ (Ted). Rather, it’s the ordinary people who have, quite without any sense of a ‘dilemma’, suffered the authoritarian rule and oppression by the communist elite who, in turn, are neither practising voluntary poverty nor in any ‘dilemma’ about introducing any kind of democracy and freedom because it would get rid of them.
    Jonathan writes: ‘Cuba of course has the right to celebrate the end of the embargo and make use of it to develop its economy as it sees fit. But they would be wise not to see this as end to the hostility, but rather a new strategy by the TE [transnational elite], to end its little revolution once and for all.’
    By using terms like ‘Cubans’ or ‘Cuba’ or ‘the Cuban Revolution’ as an entity that can act like a person in a sentence, or experience things like dilemmas or celebrations, we are lumping together, or confusing, the ruling elites and the people they rule as one uniform, harmonious national unit, i.e. perpetrating the ‘one nation’ myth so beloved of all state authoritarians.  We are equating order-givers and order-takers.
    (I’ll leave out the question here of what the so-called ‘Cuban revolution’ actually was, a guerrilla putsch without mass self-organisation that quickly segued into the usual Marxist-Leninist terror system. Although rambling, Sam Dolgoff’s study might be useful here).

Leftist Identification with ‘Socialist’ Ruling Classes

All this is not just about semantics or the dangerous use of language. I think one of the things that puts a lot of ordinary people off ‘socialists’ or ‘socialism’ is the fact that state socialists in fact often do identify with ruling ‘socialist’ state elites or ruling classes rather than with the people they rule or oppress. (With anarchists it’s the other way around.) I again get this feeling reading Kamran and Saral.
    Again and again, state socialists have given their qualified or unqualified support to the likes of ‘progressive’ dictators, oppressive ‘communists’, ‘well-intentioned’ butchers, caudillos or nationalist authoritarians like Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Ho Chi Minh, Castro, Guevara, Mugabe, Chavez. (And of course there were differences, as there were between Hitler and Mussolini or Franco). I would argue that if any form of libertarian (eco-)socialism is to be salvaged from those historical ruins and millions upon millions of victims, the terrible legacy of state ‘socialism/communism’ has to be well and truly seen for it was/is and unceremoniously ditched into the dustbins of history.
    Why this identification with the ruling elites? State socialists, and many liberal progressives in general, usually legitimize their, however qualified, support for ‘socialist’ states and their ruling classes by pointing to their often considerable welfare achievements (usually health, education, employment, standing of women). Although closer analysis (e.g. of the old Soviet Union) reveals many of these to be facades for considerable material privileges of the communist ruling elites/nomenclatura, nevertheless many of these are doubtlessly quite laudable (e.g. Cuban doctors in developing countries, although this will also negatively impact medical services to the Cuban poor).
    However, if such state welfareism were a key criterion of socialism and a post-capitalist liberated society (rather than free self-management), then not only some affluent social democratic states (Scandinavia, pre-neoliberal Australia and the German social welfare state) but Saddam’s Iraq would have been a close contender as would Juan Peron’s Argentina or Hitler’s National Socialism (lots of worker welfare schemes, liberation of women into the workforce).  As Bakunin presciently predicted, historically ‘socialism’ or ‘communism’ without total freedom/self-management has indeed always been some form of totalitarian ‘state capitalism’ or ‘red fascism’ (council communist Otto Ruehle, Cuban libertarians) which is even worse than liberal capitalism for the common people and for anyone struggling for a better, post-capitalist society.
    When these ‘socialist’ ruling classes turn out to be a little too brutal or later effortlessly segue into outright neoliberal capitalists/oligarchs (Russia, China, soon Cuba), state socialists often talk of these phenomena as deplorable, avoidable ‘mistakes’.  (In a similar fashion to liberals talking about ‘Washington’s mistakes’ in Vietnam, Iraq etc. rather than of imperialist interests and structures). That is, they suddenly abandon any Marxist, historical-materialist analysis of socio-economic and class structures and struggles and idealistically reduce everything to a question of leaders, persons, ideologies and subjectivities. In contrast, a socialist of truly Marxist persuasion would apply Marxism to Marxist-Leninists and analyse the move from Fidel Castro’s Stalinism to Raul Castro’s move to neoliberalism within the context of shifting internal and external economic transformations, constraints, working class resistance and multi-class conflicts etc. (Applying Marxism to Marxism might give you something like anarchism, so maybe that’s why it’s not a popular practice among state socialists).

A Few Simple Questions

No big theories are needed to find one’s way through the leftist/liberal maze of often abstract or conspiratorial discussions about nation states and governments. I’d propose that one way of judging any society, so-called ‘socialist’ or other, from a bottom-up perspective is to ask a few simple, common sense questions:
    Who calls the shots? Who are the order-givers? Do the order-givers have material privileges? Who runs the factories? Is there a secret/political police and/or citizen-spying system? Is there an independent judiciary? Are there free media? What do the common people live like, want, complain about? How many dissidents, anarchists, artists, homosexuals, and political prisoners are behind bars? Who do we identify with, the rulers or the ruled, the statist ‘dilemmas’ of the powerful oppressors or the suffering of the oppressed?
    On Cuba, I think on all counts the facts speak for themselves for anyone not too blinded by abstract ideologies, leftist groupthink and Machiavellian foe-foe=friend thinking.  Like all other ‘socialisms’ present and past, the Cuban system has as much to do with ‘socialism’ or ‘communism’(as originally conceived) as the ‘free West’ has to do with freedom or the Christian churches have with Christianity.
    I’ll close with an anarchist declaration on Cuba and the ‘Cuban revolution’ from 2003:

From: Declaration of Principles, Cuban Libertarian Movement
 
Mexico, Fall 2003

1. Since 1959 until today the Cuban government, self-proclaimed ‘socialist’ and represented only by the personality of its ‘Maximum Leader’ in a fascist fashion, oppresses and assassinates our class brothers and sisters, assuming the functions of Sole Tyrant in the name of the Cuban people.
 2. After over forty four years of despotism without equal in this hemisphere, the Cuban people find themselves mired in poverty, corruption and forced obedience, without rights of any kind, brutally and inhumanely threatened and terrorized by the regime’s political police, with a judicial and correctional system comparable to that of Nazi Germany or the Soviet Gulags.
3. The long-suffering Cuban proletariat (industrial and agricultural workers), falsely represented by vertical and fossilized unions of fascist ideology, finds itself trapped inside a social system that persecutes and imprisons for such acts as trying to organize freely; a system that exploits and discriminates, racially and politically, without the right to strike, protest and

(6) Craig Collins replied to Peter’s above text on 26.12.2014

OK, let's get right to it.  Peter has given everyone the best example of an idealist Anarchist analysis.  It stands entirely outside of historical context and critiques the world from a position of pure idealism.  His final questions say it all.  According to Peter, anyone can judge whether Cuba or other countries are worth anything but Anarchist disdain depending on whether they live up to a set of ahistorical Anarchist criteria:
    Of course, no country meets these utopian criteria.  Elites, not masses, "call the shots" in every country on the planet and (one way or another) those who threaten their power & privileges are suppressed.  So what else is new?  But when you get back to the real world and ask: COMPARED TO WHAT??  Things look a bit different, don't they?
    I've been to many Latin American countries and I'd much rather live in Cuba than El Salvador, Mexico, Colombia, or Honduras.  Why?  Because the ruling elite of these countries are far more ruthless and repressive than the Cuban elite, and the Cuban population has far more political power at the provincial and local level and far more access to the limited economic wealth of the nation than the masses in these other countries.
    Of course, Cuba is no anarchist (or socialist) utopia.  But the Cuban revolution, for all its many historical drawbacks and weaknesses, has improved life for the average Cuban far more than for most people living in countries still under the thumb of the US ruling elite and their junior partners throughout the world...and far more than for Cubans before the revolution.  I've met a lot of Cubans and very few of them would like to radically alter their system of government.  Not because it's wonderful, but because its better than the REAL WORLD alternatives they see around them.  The main alternative that does appeal to a significant minority of the Cuban middle class is a opening up to foreign capital and a competitive market.  Anarchism isn't even on the radar screen for most Cubans, not because its suppressed but because there is simply no realistic way to achieve it in a world run by political power, military might & profit.  If Peter thinks that's not true he should show us examples of places (besides Anarchist micro-collectives) where his ideal society thrives, or at least give us some idea of how to get there...I'm all ears!

(7) I (Saral) wrote on 27.12.2014


Once more on Cuba and Some Relevant Issues

(1)
It is better to ignore Peter’s and his Mexican anarchist friends’ ranting and calumnies (e.g. “Fidel Castro’s Stalinism”, “fascist” “sole tyrant”, “Nazi”, “Gulag” etc.) and take his more substantial points seriously. Before I do that, however, I have one request to Peter: Why don’t you request the CIA to publish some documentary evidence on the existence of Nazi concentration camps and Stalinist Gulags in Cuba, and why not also some photos from the torture cells of Cuba comparable to those from Abu Ghraib? Your Mexican anarchist friends may be able to help you. If I find them convincing, I will join you in condemning the Cuban leadership.
    Craig Collins has replied adequately to some of the substantial points made by Peter. In the following Peter may find my response to some more fundamental points:
    (a) In 1959, Fidel, Che and their comrades wanted to free Cuba from the yoke of American imperialism. That is why they fought against the Batista dictatorship. Their immediate goal was that, and not creating an ideal society in Cuba. Maybe they also dreamt of a future ideal society (I am sure, at least Che did). We, however, know that in 1959, the people of Cuba were in no way ready for an anarchist-socialist society. And according to Marxists, they were also not ready for a Marxist socialist society. Fidel, Che etc. must have known that too. They were intelligent people, though not well versed in the theory of anarchism, Marxism, socialism etc. Peter and his Mexican anarchist friends ignore this historical fact. They take a position that can be formulated as follows: Either Cuba was (already in 1960) the ideal society, or it was (has since then been) the most evil society, fascist, Nazi etc. etc. This is utopian in the most negative meaning of the word. Here I see no understanding of politics as a process through history.
    What should they – young revolutionary type of people boiling with rage against American imperialism and its slaves ruling in Cuba – have done in 1959? Should they have sat back and waited until the masses were ready for an anarchist or Marxian socialist revolution? That cannot be expected of revolutionary type of people anywhere in the world. Such type of people cannot wait and wait and wait until they become old and die. They act here and now to fight against the current evil. They may then, after success in their immediate fight, try to build an ideal society, and fail, without knowing why they failed. After all, they do not control all the factors involved in the endeavor.
    Fortunately for Cuba and the rest of the world, soon after capturing power they became imbued with the ideal of socialism. But their country was still full of supporters of Batista and American agents. Should they have, in that situation, introduced anarchistic/participatory democracy and risked and accepted the return of American imperialism? (The Nicaraguans experienced that many years later).Whoever says they should have been ready, in the spirit of “democracy”, to accept that, is naïve, has no sense of reality. Does not know how history works.
    Great historical changes do not, cannot, take place through majority vote of the people. Such changes take place (by violent or non-violent means) through the initiative of revolutionaries from the educated middle class, who succeed in mobilizing the support of a section of the people, not necessarily of the majority. The majority is in principle conservative, they do not want to risk the uncertainties of radical change. What happens in times of revolutionary change is that history just takes place, breaks over the head of the people like a storm surge, and the majority is compelled to take sides. Some do that however willingly. That is what happened in November 1917 in Russia, and in November 1918 in Germany.
    (b) Anarchist socialism (or fully participatory democratic socialism), if at all possible, can only be the long-term goal, the ideal society. Even if and even when that goal is attained, “total freedom” “total self-management” (Peter’s words) will be impossible, nonsensical, because humans will have to live with many constraints: limits to resources, the compulsion to share them with other humans, compulsion to show consideration for the others etc. That simply is a part of the human condition. The way to that ideal society is strewn with many obstacles. Overcoming obstacles is not a question of principle but one of practicability. My experience with anarchists in India and Germany has been that they are more concerned with the primacy and purity of the way and less with the goal. Their motto seems to be: the way is the goal. Gandhi said that, although he also practically worked for an ecological economy. I have discussed these points several times with Ted.

(2)
The immediate and the most important goal we should be pursuing today with a great sense of urgency is to save the planet (Ted too has said that in his response). The next most important goal is saving human societies from breaking up in hundreds of warring groups. Democracy and individual freedom are not more important values than these. They are of tertiary importance.
    What is the use of anarchistic or fully participatory democracy for attaining this most important and most urgent goal? We see that in election after election (albeit of the currently prevailing bourgeois-democratic type) the majority is voting for the parties that favor business as usual. They do not even vote for the Greens who are not advocating any radical change any more. The 20 to 30 years time that Jonathan and Ted think they need for convincing the majority will not be given to them. The collapse will come much sooner. Not perhaps first in Australia, USA and Canada, but surely in the majority of the less developed countries. And thereafter there will be no democracy anymore, of any kind, anywhere. Actually, in the latter group of countries the collapse has started as an ongoing process. Those who can see through the façade of growth and prosperity in such countries, can see this ongoing process of collapse. Even in Europe, neo-fascist parties and movements are gaining the upper hand.

(3)
When the full-scale breakdown is there, when chaos reigns – as, already now, in Somalia, Syria, Libya, Egypt. Iraq, Yemen, Colombia, Mexico – when Jihadi forces attack and undermine governments, when storms devastate coastal cities like Takloban, even New York, when hundreds of thousands of refugees storm the gates of the rich countries, then either there will be no democracy of any kind any more, or the “democratic” governments will not be able to do anything to save their own respective countries, let alone contribute to saving the planet. Democratic structures are already crumbling away in many countries. For instance, racism and hatred of the police structure is gaining the upper hand in the USA.
    I am pessimistic. I am afraid we will fail to convince the majority soon enough. Then the armies will step in to rule the respective countries. Maybe the masses themselves will request the army to save them, as they have already done in Egypt and Thailand. Also in Europe, in 1974, it was the young officers of the Portuguese army, and not the masses, that carried out the dissolution of the dictatorship and the winding up of the colonies in Africa. In France, it was a general, General De Gaulle, who was invited in 1958 to take over power and carry through the withdrawal from Algeria, when the French colonists there revolted. In Africa, it was a young army officer, Sankara, who gave Burkina Faso, the first good government. Army rule is not a desirable scenario, but it may be the most probable one. Maybe we should already now also try to influence army officers and teach them the ecology lessons. I will be happy, however, if my fears prove to be unfounded. But, unfortunately, they may be justified.

(4)
(a) Let me come back to Cuba. Who are we to tell the Cubans to do this or refrain from that? We, who have failed to achieve anything in our own respective countries? Yet, as sympathizers, we could tell the Cubans how worried we are. Of course, Raul Castro has in the meantime assured us that he is not thinking of system change. But who knows what he is really thinking? The Chinese communists still tell us that they are a communist party and are working for a socialist society. Maybe some of us, those who have contacts with Cuban communists, could write e-mails to them.
    I remember, when Gorbachev told Fidel that Cuba will no longer get oil at a discount price, and when later the Soviet Union broke down, Cuba imported a hundred thousand (or more) bicycles from China, did not capitulate like the Soviet Union. We can remind them of that glorious time in their history.
    (b) Jonathan reports about dissatisfaction in Cuba that his friends, who visited the country, have perceived. I believe such reports reflect the truth. In fact, dissatisfaction is universal. Especially people of poor countries want to try to achieve personal prosperity and fulfill their personal desires through emigration to a rich country or through a more capitalistic policy of the state. In Cuba too, they have not all become new men!
    The question is: what are the leaders of the Communist Party there telling the people: Are they telling them that the socialism of the 21st century must be and should be a frugal socialism, because the planet must be saved, because further development will only destroy the environment? Or are they telling them (more) prosperity is possible now that the US embargo is going to be lifted? Another question is how much higher the personal standard of living of the Cuban leaders is than that of the average Cuban. Are they too as corrupt as the Chinese leaders?

(5)
I do not think, we can immediately do something about Cuba. This discussion group could however become more active in trying to convince the people of the world that the planet must be saved first and the best way to do that is to ditch capitalism and build up a frugal socialism, in whichever way that is possible.
    I am convinced that without the leadership of a committed group of people the transition to an eco-socialist or eco-anarchist world will not be possible. It is a great folly of both anarchists and Marxists that they believe that the working class has the unique privilege or capability of leading this transition. Leadership for the purpose can come from any class. In fact, the majority of the working class is so worn out through their struggle for bare survival that this class is the least capable of taking the leadership role – be it intellectual, be it organizational. At the most, the working class can overthrow a leadership that has, after a successful transition, become corrupt.

Cuba -- Socialism -- Anarchism -- (Part 2)


(1) Peter wrote on 29.12.2014

    “Thanks for your responses Craig and Saral. …. I guess we might find it difficult to agree on Cuba (and probably other ‘communist’ states past and present) and even on the meaning of the word ‘socialism’. I still think the debate may be important for clarifying how we differ regarding our notions of a desirable post-capitalist eco-society worthy of the name. I think we have radically different assumptions about the most fundamental things/values, e.g. authoritarianism, freedom, heteronomy, self-management, leaders and autonomy/self-organisation. (BTW Just to clarify two statements of fact, Saral: the anarchist statement on Cuba I quoted was not from ‘Mexican anarchists’ but from exiled Cuban ones meeting in Mexico, since Castro’s regime has been as murderously hostile to anarchists as Communists have always been. Since the Bolshevik terror, we have been among the first ones the Communists, with whom you seem to so warmly sympathise, stand up against the wall. Also, in your long interpretation of the Cuban ‘revolution’, which I think fully supports my contention of state socialists identifying with ruling ‘socialist’ elites rather than with the suffering common people. … ). I’ll close my Cuba contribution with some excerpts on its ‘socialism’ from various wikipedia (CIA too?) articles on Cuba and one on ‘Violations of social and labor rights in Cuba, 2003’ from a report to the International Labor Organisation in Geneva (CIA too?). I’ll leave the judging of these ‘rantings and calumnies’ to the group.”
    Hereafter Peter listed many human and labor rights violations including political executions (4000 to 33000) that have allegedly been committed by the Cuban communist regime. Details can be had from Peter (<"<pbln"@internode.on.net>>)

(2) Craig Collins wrote on 29.12.2014

“Peter,

Even if I were to accept the complete veracity of all your sources, which I don't, my main problem isn't with your contention that the Cuban government isn't the anarchist utopia you wish it was. Of course it isn't!  Like all states, it's been dictatorial and repressive toward its perceived enemies.  My problem is with the ahistorical non-comparative method you use to judge the Cuban regime.  Can you name ONE country with a relatively comparable level of "development" in Latin America (or the "Third World") where people are better off than Cubans in basic levels of education, health care, wealth distribution?  You never compare Cuba with the rest of the REAL World.  You just show us that Cuba doesn't live up to your abstract anarchist ideals...so what?  Who does?“

Earlier Craig had written:

“ I
don't think Cuba is "socialist" by any stretch of the term. That would require actual democratic control over the political and economic institutions of the country...not elite control by nationalist/populist party bureaucrats. I don't judge Cuba by what the government calls itself (socialist) any more than I judge the US by what it calls itself (democratic).  The economically corrosive and politically repressive powers of global capitalism preclude actual democracy or socialism.”

(3) Steven Johnson wrote on 2.01.2015

“In partial response to some of Saral's comments and queries, I would call attention back to what Ted said about the necessity of convincing a critical mass of the population before an effective socialist government can emerge. It is, to my mind, inconceivable that some kind of clique of revolutionaries could 1) succeed in taking power, and 2) continue using that power in the service of socialist transition without being coopted, and 3) successfully impose socialist transition on a populace that, like Cuba in 1959, has no strong or deep consensus in favor of socialism.
    I am no expert on the Cuban revolution, but, given the basic facts of the history that I am given to understand, I cannot see how anyone would ever imagine that it could have been successful in achieving socialist transition, built as it was on the shallow basis of Fidel's enormous popularity in the wake of overthrowing Batista (and the leverage that gave him in order to consolidate personal power and engage in a game of manipulations and coercions from the top), rather than on the more solid basis of years of patient pre-revolutionary cultivation of a deep commitment to socialist transition in a critical mass of the population, the development, beginning in pre-revolutionary times, of institutions of democratic self-management in the organizations of struggle, and arriving at a tentative general consensus, in broad terms, concerning how the post-revolutionary economy and society would function. I mean, seriously, Fidel overthrows an unpopular dictator, and then SUDDENLY SPRINGS on the world a commitment to socialism, afterwards, which significant elements of the revolutionary forces did not share at all! Then he and his most favored comrades "wing it" from there. Just how promising of success is that? I cannot be disillusioned by the failure of such a revolution to bring about socialism, since I see no reason to have ever expected that the means that were employed would have likely brought about that result.
    Does that mean that anarchists (or, for that matter, Trotskyists) who do not politically support the Cuban Communists must therefore deny that this government has achieved anything positive, or that it is better to live under it than in, say, Haiti or Honduras? Of course not. Any number of capitalist, state capitalist, fascist, or other kinds of non-socialist societies can be evaluated in relative terms on a number of criteria. But that is not relevant to the question of what kind of society we are seeking to achieve, or to the question of whether, in fact, Castro and the Cuban Communists were putting Cuba on a path that could be reasonably expected to result in socialism.
    What to do, then? I will not try, at this moment, to comment on the alternative revolutionary paths that should have been pursued in the Cuba of 1959. But my inclination for us in the present moment is to say that, at this stage, we should not focus on seizing power before there is a critical mass of support, but should instead focus on creating that critical mass of support. Our strategic thinking should focus on how better to achieve that goal.
    Once there IS a critical mass of support, will it really be necessary to "rule with an iron hand" using coercive means? If it is, to defend against a minority of people seeking to cling to power and privilege, it will be the great mass of people acting in concert, out of shared convictions about what needs to be done, rather than an elite clique of enlightened rulers imposing their will on the majority of people.
    Somewhat tentative thoughts, open to correction or revision....”

P.S. Does anybody have any thoughts to offer on Samuel Farber's Cuba Since the Revolution? He does not share our understanding of limits to growth, but his critique of the often almost comic economic foibles of top-down undemocratic economic management seems, to my non-expert mind, to be valid and damning.

(4) I (Saral) wrote on 1.01.2015

Reg. Cuba– Socialism– Anarchism

    Allow me to add some more points/thoughts. I think it could be useful in getting clarity on the issues raised:

(1) When I started studying the history of the Soviet Union, I thought the main purpose of reading history is to learn lessons for the future. Otherwise it is merely
satisfying curiosity. I have drawn lessons from that study which have helped me arrive at my current political positions. The first two chapters of my book Eco-Socialism or Eco-Capitalism? deals with the question Why the Soviet Model of “Socialism” Failed. We are now discussing the history of Cuba since 1959. Perhaps it can help us a little to come to a correct analysis of and correct views on the present-day world situation.
    (2) I had requested Peter to publish some documentary evidence in support of his condemnation of Cuban communist leaders. Later, I realized that was a mistake. There is a saying: in war the first casualty is truth. That can also be applied to political war. Now Peter has published some “evidence”. But how should one know that they are facts, correspond to truth? We know witnesses can lie, newspaper reporters can lie, authors of books can lie, even photos and TV-films can be manipulated. The accused can easily say that the accusations are all false. There have been so many cases in the USA (surely also some cases in other countries), where innocent people have been punished, people accused of murder and sentenced to death were later acquitted and set free because it could be proved that the witnesses had lied and the judges and juries had erred. As for Peter’s “evidences”, Craig has already expressed doubts about their veracity.
    After my study of the history of the Soviet Union, I came to the conclusion (actually very early, i.e. already in 1956) that the accusations against Stalin & Co. were convincing. Previously, we could say all that was enemy propaganda. But in 1956, it was the Chief of the Communist Party (Chruschev) himself who admitted that the accusations were all correct. Ever since, when referring to Soviet socialism, I always write the world socialism within inverted commas (“socialism”).
     have no time to study the history of Cuba in detail. But I would like to know, what the Cuban communists themselves say to these accusations. Do they say all that is only enemy propaganda? Or do they say that is all (or partly) true, but all that was necessary to protect the revolution?
    If all or even a part of Peter’s and other anarchists’ accusations somehow prove to be true, and if the atrocities prove to have been unnecessary for protecting socialism, I will condemn the Cuban communist leadership, and I will be very dejected. I will say to myself: So another effort to build a socialist society has failed. What lessons do you draw from that, Saral?
    You see, my interest in the question is not just curiosity. I want to learn lessons. And I would like to ask Peter and the anarchists who condemn the Cuban communists: What lessons do you, Peter, draw from this Cuban experience? And more: What then is your alternative strategy of transition to a socialist society? Anarchists are socialists, isn’t it?
    (3) This leads us immediately to the question: what are the criteria for characterizing a society as socialist? From what I have understood from reading Peter’s contributions (also from reading an article by …? ), these criteria are mainly moral in contrast to economic. I too value the moral criteria higher than the economic ones. In my afore-mentioned book, I said socialism is mainly a moral project. If one values the economic criteria higher, one would argue: look, firstly, in the Soviet Union, capitalism had been abolished, there was no capitalist there, all the means of production were property of the state (or had been socialized, the kolkhoz e.g.). And, secondly, the economy was not left at the mercy of market forces, it was scientifically planned. That justifies, one would argue, calling the erstwhile Soviet Union a socialist society. The same can be said of Cuba, till now.
    I accept these economic criteria as two important ones among several. Since, however, the Soviet Union did not fulfill the moral criteria, which I value higher, I preferred to characterize its society as “socialist” (within inverted commas). You simply cannot say that state ownership (or socialization) of the means of production and planned economy do not count at all. The moral society cannot be built up without this economic base. Of course, one may object that the communist leaders and senior cadres allowed themselves much higher incomes (official and/or real) than that of the average worker. That was not denied. But that had generally been considered to be necessary in the transition period for building up socialism.
    (4) Assuming that Cuban society under communist rule failed to fulfill the moral criteria and hence did not fully deserve to be called a socialist society, we must now ask, what could have been done under the given historical circumstances?
    Assuming that the accusations of Peter are sound and the evidences conclusive, were the violent acts necessary to protect the “socialist” revolution? Here we may be facing a very difficult judgment. Since the anarchists do not recognize the Cuban revolution to have been a socialist one, they will probably say: in Cuba there was nothing good or no socialism at all to protect. People like us would say: Liberation from American imperialism, abolition of capitalism, planned economy, relatively egalitarian distribution of income and social achievements (education, healthcare etc.) were indeed things that were worth protecting.
    Then of course comes the question: Was it necessary for that purpose to kill and/or imprison the “enemies” of the revolution?
    My personal view
is as follows: If one decides to make a violent revolution, one also does not have any qualms about killing enemies. Then one also kills soldiers who had only been recruited and forced to fight for the enemy. Given that position, why should a revolutionary hesitate to kill an enemy of what he considers to be a great cause, a socialist revolution. (That was the reason why Gandhi, as a matter of principle, rejected the idea of using violence even for a good cause, namely liberation of India from British rule.) However, I personally still think, in the USSR as well as in Cuba it should have sufficed to detain the internal “enemies” of the revolution in prison. Or let them go into exile to the USA or Mexico.
    (5) I have a question to the anarchists: What would they have done, had they succeeded in making their revolution in Cuba? The American imperialists would surely have tried to snuff out their revolution by means of a version of “Bay of Pigs”. They succeeded in the case of Grenada. Of course, the anarchist leaders would mobilize the workers (or the workers would mobilize themselves) to build barricades around Havana. But that would be no match for the tanks of the US army.
    (6) We know there are two types of anarchists: “the gentle anarchists”, the absolutely nonviolent Gandhians, and the Bakunin type of anarchists (example: the Spanish CNT/FAI anarchists). The latter had no qualms about using violence and killing enemies to make and defend their revolution.
    The difference between the violent anarchists and the violent communists of the Castro-Che type then mainly boils down to only two points: the position of the workers in the revolutionary system (in the economy and politics), and human rights. The anarchists would let the workers directly (or perhaps through their representatives) determine and implement policy including economic policy, not only in the factory but also nationally. But in the world (the economy) as it is today (or as it was in 1959) do (did) the majority of average workers have sufficient intellectual capacity and knowledge to perform that task adequately? I strongly doubt it. As I have expounded in my previous contribution to this debate (see part I, Nos. 2 and 7)), I believe a morally strong and highly committed leadership is necessary for this task.
    Lenin too once had the naïve idea that in communism even an average female cook would be capable of managing the affairs of the Soviet state. Already in 1918 (i.e. hundred years ago) that was foolish, utopian, rubbish. Lenin himself realized that. And he had to call back the Czarist bureaucrats and specialists to manage the various ministries and departments. How much more difficult would it be today!
    (7) Gandhi had very early (1908) rejected industrialization in his vision of free India. His Indian economy of the future India after liberation from British rule, would be mainly a decentralized village handicrafts economy, villages being largely self-sufficient. In such an economy, Lenin’s idea of an average female cook being the chief manager, of a village economy (though not of the Indian republic), might be conceivable, but not in the Cuba of 1959. I can even imagine that to be possible in the alternative communities that Ted and Jonathan are advocating as preparatory steps toward an ecologically sustainable society.
    (8) But the question is: how do you come from here to there? That is, how do you take over power in Australia, India or Cuba? That is, what is your strategy for the transition?
    For Gandhi, the answer was relatively simple: mass movements of civil disobedience for the transfer of power from the British rulers to the Indian political elite (e.g. the Indian National Congress). As for the economy, Gandhi rejected from the very beginning any further Industrialization. In his times (say, in 1920), the Indian economy was still largely a rural handicrafts economy. He would have (if he lived beyond 1948) stressed rural development rather than industrial development.
    But the problem today is infinitely more difficult. We have to dismantle the greater part of the present-day industrial economy, which is extremely globalized to boot. How can that be done in the transition period without a functioning state? You try to begin the very gradual dismantling, and the working class (of any nation) will demonstrate in their hundreds of thousands against that policy. They will try to defend every factory, even those that produce weapons. They will try to fell governments. How do you manage that without an authoritarian state dictating and implementing policy from above?
    Should the government then use force, violence, against the working class? It would be better to persuade and create a cushion for those who will lose their job, or organize a redistribution of all remaining paid jobs. But all that too must be organized at a national (if not international) scale. Who will do that? The one million factory committees at the basis?
    To close this article with Gandhi’s example, he was even prepared to help the British recruit Indian soldiers in the former’s effort to defeat the German and Japanese armies. In return he only demanded the promise that the British would leave India after winning the war. He too had a sufficient sense for reality.

(5) See also Kamran’s contribution published in his blog Our Place in the World:

The Cuban Revolution and the Decline of the American Empire: Opportunities and Challenges, Part 1

http://www.forhumanliberation.blogspot.de/2015/01/1699-cuban-revolution-in-era-of-decline.html

 

Monday, 8 December 2014

Winning Some Battles, but Losing the War -- An Overview of the Present-day World Situation

About two months ago I read an article on the war against the Islamic State (IS). The author Andrew J. Bacevich1 wrote inter alia: “Islamic State militants extend into Syria, Iraq War III has seamlessly morphed into Greater Middle East Battlefield XIV. …. Even if we win, we lose. Defeating the Islamic State would only commit the United States more deeply to a decades-old enterprise that has proved costly and counterproductive. … U.S. efforts to promote stability [in the region] have tended to produce just the opposite.”
    Here I am not going to write on the IS. My concern here is not the Greater Middle East, but the world, not the Iraq War III, but the “war” (if I am allowed to use this term) to prevent the coming worldwide collapse and to start the transition to a peaceful and sustainable world society. I have started with the Iraq War III because it is at present the clearest, the strongest and the most convincing pointer to the coming collapse.

    This has several manifestations: (1) conflicts and wars – fought with varying degrees of violence – raging since the past few decades in various parts of the world, (2) global warming, climate catastrophes and global all-round ecological degradation going on unabated, (3) societies disintegrating, followed by failed or failing states.

    As regards violent conflicts, even though Prof. Steven Pinker tells us in his book The Better Engels of our nature that the world of the past was much worse, and that we may be living in the most peaceable era in our species’ existence, it is little comfort. For in the last two decades, we have been observing a worsening of the situation. Compared to the great hopes raised in the early 1990s after the end of the Cold War, when commentators even spoke of a huge peace dividend waiting for us to take, the following years plagued mankind with many small, medium size, and large violent conflicts: the genocide in Rwanda, followed by the unending small war in Eastern Congo; the Yugoslavia wars leading to the violent breakdown of that socialist federal republic; the rise of Islamist terrorism in many parts of the world, with the Al-Qaeda. the Taliban or the ISIL at the forefront; the bloody 26 years long ethnic war in Sri Lanka; the violent independence movement of the Kurds in South-Eastern Turkey; then the decades old civil war in Colombia – FARC etc. against the state forces; the terror of the drug-dealer gangs in Colombia and Mexico; the ongoing wars in Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Yemen, and the Ukraine; and the many small-scale conflicts and insurgencies, for instance, in the Philippines, in Central India, in Xinjiang province of China, in the Russian Caucasia.

    Some of these conflicts and wars have been settled, have been won or lost or ended with a compromise: North Ireland, Rwanda, Yugoslavia etc. But they have only been so many “battles” that have been won. We are losing the “war” to prevent the threatening worldwide collapse and to start the transition to a peaceful and sustainable world society. As Bacevich wrote in connection with the war against the IS: “Suppress the symptoms, and the disease simply manifests itself in other ways. There is always another Islamic State waiting in the wings.” We could here perhaps mention Nigeria and Pakistan.

    That exactly is the point. Mankind is today, so to speak, suffering from a grave disease, but we are only fighting to suppress the symptoms.

The Disease and Its Symptoms

    The difference between the violent conflicts of the past and those of recent times is that in the past, humanity in general and the particular peoples hit by wars and violent conflicts could hope that after the end of the particular wars and conflicts there would again be peace and recovery followed by prosperity. Even after the devastating 30 Years War in the 17th century, central Europe recovered, albeit slowly, and again prospered. After the two World Wars in the 20th century, societies and economies of all the devastated countries quickly recovered and prospered, along with those of many others that were not directly affected by the wars. Today, however, we fear that the social and economic structure of many countries is going to break down, that the number of failed states will grow; and all that, although, compared to past eras, the number and severity of wars and violent conflicts have gone down.

    Today’s threats of collapse are not really coming from wars and violent conflicts. The latter are merely symptoms or results of a disease. They are coming from the very prosperity that could be created in the recent past for the greater part of the human population. It is somewhat like the inordinately obese person, who has eaten too much in the past years, and, as a result, suffering from many diseases. We have undoubtedly vanquished hunger. For some time past, there has not been any severe famine anywhere – like the one witnessed in the 1980s in Ethiopia. At the earliest sign of famine anywhere, help can be rushed from food surplus countries. Although poverty is still there, it is no longer the dire poverty that could be observed in many parts of the world some twenty or thirty years ago, e.g. in India, Africa etc. Today, in most formerly poverty-stricken countries, a large part of people from the lower strata are enjoying TV-shows and communicating through cell phones. Yet, today, hundreds of millions of people, particularly young people, are without work. Since the 2008 crash of capitalism, the economies of many countries are experiencing recession, stagnation or falling growth rates; real incomes and welfare benefits are being cut. Hundreds of thousands are leaving their native countries in the quest of refuge in the rich countries – risking thereby tremendous suffering, even dying of drowning in the sees.

    All these are happening because the very basis of the relative prosperity of the recent past is fast eroding. Global warming is wreaking havoc with climatic stability. Storms, storm surges, floods and landslides are devastating large tracts of inhabited land, destroying houses, infrastructure and crops. Essential resources needed for keeping the present-day world economy afloat are dwindling, while the world population continues to grow. And the environment is being incessantly degraded.

    In an earlier article in this blog2, I have shown how the civil war in Syria has been to a large extent the result of a severe drought and population growth. Generally speaking, the so-called Arab Spring, the revolt of the Arab youth in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen was caused by the frustration of the youth, who did not only demand democracy but also wanted to see prosperity and gainful employment coming. Youth revolt and general, partly destructive, manifestations of discontent are also taking place in European countries (Greece, France and England, for example). In the USA, the black minority is massively protesting against institutional racism, police violence and a broken justice system. The costs of just repairing, maintaining and defending the capitalist industrial society that is in place today are immensely growing, while the resources are dwindling.

    A war usually has many fronts, also a “war” to prevent the threatening worldwide collapse and to start the transition to a peaceful and sustainable world society. It is necessary to fight at all the fronts. But activists must have an overview of the whole. It seems to me, however, that most activists are fixated on the battles they are fighting at the moment and ignoring the “war” that is necessary, namely the “war” against the industrial-capitalist system. Sometimes they already celebrate the small insignificant successes in their particular battles.

When Do We Celebrate Victory?
Thus I recently read a letter written by Bill Mckibben, one of the awardees of the Right Livelihood Award (the “Alternative Nobel Prize”) of this year, addressed to his fellow activists who, together with him, organized in September of this year the great People’s Climate March in New York and other cities of the world. He wrote2a:

“… by the time that day was over (and remember that it ended with the Rockefeller Brothers Fund announcing their divestment from fossil fuels) I was letting myself think that we’d seen the beginning of the end of the fossil fuel industry.” He wrote further:

“Which doesn’t mean we’re guaranteed a victory, of course.  Unless that end to coal and oil and gas comes swiftly, the damage from global warming will overwhelm us. Winning too slowly is the same as losing, so we have a crucial series of fights ahead: divestment, fracking, Keystone, and many others that we don’t yet know about.”

    Note that he is already celebrating a victory after the Rockefeller Brothers Fund has announced their divestment from fossil fuels. But it is not even a victory in a battle, it is only an announcement. It is being suggested in this quote that everything will be well when the fossil fuel industry has been abandoned and the renewable energy industries have taken over the task of powering the industrial societies of the world. There is no question raised about the viability (energy balance) of the so-called renewable energy industries, no questioning the sustainability of industrial society, no questioning of capitalism.

    Also the announcement made by the USA and China in the run-up to the UN climate conference in Lima – namely that these two giant CO2 emitters have agreed to stop the growth of their emissions in ten to fifteen years – was much celebrated. Roughly around the same time, however, The New York Times International Weekly (28.11.2014) published an article entitled India’s Ruinous Pursuit of Coal (ruinous for the climate, naturally), in which they reported that India plans to double the output of coal in five years. I recently read in a report3 from the said Lima conference that, at half-time, the European delegates are highly satisfied with the progress made. They are very optimistic, they think that this time a positive agreement can be reached. But at the same time it has been reported4 that at the conference all difficult and controversial questions are being studiously avoided – e.g. whether oil- and coal-rich countries (Saudi Arabia, Russia, Australia, Poland etc.) would be prohibited from exploiting their mineral riches; whether economic growth, that particularly less developed countries strive for, would still be possible when consumption of fossil fuels has been drastically curtailed; whether Ecuador and Bolivia, the two countries that most loudly preach “buen vivir” (good life, in contradistinction to rich life) will stop exploiting their fossil fuel riches; whether capitalism is compatible with the goal of protecting the climatic balance and, more generally speaking, the natural environment.

    My readers know my views on these questions. They can be found in the previous articles published in this blog. Therefore I do not want to repeat them here. Only so much for conclusion: We should postpone our celebrations until real victory has been achieved. And now at the latest, let us stop deceiving ourselves, let us take up in right earnest the real issues for our struggles, namely gradually overcoming the industrial mode of living and capitalism. For as long as these two dominate our life and societies, little else can be achieved. Then we are sure to lose the “war”.

References

1. “Even if we defeat the Islamic State, we’ll still lose the bigger war”, in The Washington Post online, October 3, 2014,
2. “The Tragedy of Lampedusa – What To Do?”
http://eco-socialist.blogspot.de/search?q=Lampedusa
2a. My friend Kamran Nayeri forwarded the letter to me. He didn’t however give a link.
3. Bayerischer Rundfunkhttp://www.br.de/nachrichten/un-klimakonferenz-lima-104.html
06.12.2014
4. die tageszeitung
http://www.taz.de/1/archiv/?dig=2014/12/05/a0091
05.12.2014

 

Sunday, 19 October 2014

Eco-socialisme ou éco-capitalisme?


My Belgian friends Prof. Christine Pagnoullé and Prof. Michel Kefer and their students at the University of Liege translated my book «Eco-Socialism or Eco-Capitalism? – A Critical Analysis of Humanity’s Fundamental Choices » into French. They did it as voluntary political work, without demanding any payment. I am grateful to them for this and take this opportunity to thank them all sincerely.

 

 Eco-socialisme ou éco-capitalisme?

 Une analyse critique des choix fondamentaux de l'humanité

 
Saral Sarkar

 
Traduit de l'anglais

 

To get to this book, use first the link:


and then click on the colored and underlined words:

französische Manuskript.

Once More On Transition -- Critical Thoughts On A Debate On Goal and Strategy


Some time back I posted in this blog an article entitled “Some Thoughts On Resilience and Transition” (13 August 2014). Recently, I read in internet a debate on the same subject consisting of two articles: Ted Trainer (2014) wrote a sympathetic critique of the Transition Town Movement (in the following simply called “Transition”, with capital T). Soon after, Rob Hopkins (2014a), who is the most prominent figure in this movement, responded in defense of Transition. In addition to what I wrote in the above-mentioned blog-post (which I would not repeat), I would like to make some comments on this debate – in the hope of helping clarify some issues. Since Ted and I largely agree on the questions debated, I shall here focus on the response of Hopkins.

If readers of and participants in this discussion want to make some progress in finding the right strategy for the transition to, generally speaking, a better world, then it is necessary first to correct the mistakes in our understanding of the present situation, remove the contradictions in our own positions and, in general, create clarity about the matters being discussed. If we at the end still disagree, then we shall at least know on which points exactly we disagree. That too would be some progress in the discussion.

Different goals

When two or more persons participate in a strategy discussion, then one logical assumption is that they share a common goal. For it is nonsensical to search for a common strategy for different goals.

It is clear that Hopkins and Trainer are basically pursuing different long-term goals. That is also the reason why they cannot agree on strategy. (That does not however rule out that they would have differences on strategy even if hey pursued a fully common goal.) For Trainer, if a “sustainable and just world is to be achieved”, the rich countries’ “resource [consumption] and ecological impact rates” “must be cut by something like 90%”, a “growth economy” must be scrapped, GDP must be reduced “to a small fraction of present levels”, “market forces” i.e. capitalism, must be stopped from “determining our fate” etc.

These are important points in Trainer’s packet of long-term goals. Hopkins does not say all that is totally nonsense. He even finds most of Trainer’s arguments “entirely reasonable.” “But”, he writes, “there is no way that will happen unless we have the different models in place which are able to provide the things we need: schools, jobs, homes and so on.” Hopkins also writes: “The ambition of Transition … goes … into reimagining local economies, shifting their focus, modeling how it can meet public health ambitions better than the current approach, how it can create better and more meaningful livelihoods, create healthier communities, create safer investments offering a social return.” In olden days, all that used to be called development. Since the mid 1980s they are being called sustainable development. Hopkins now adds, they must be community-led.

The word “unless” may give the impression that Hopkins and Transition may go further after they have achieved these short-term goals and come closure to sharing Trainer’s long-term goals. At one point he even writes something like that: He criticizes Trainer for assuming “that movements like Transition [Trainer also mentions eco-village and permaculture movement] aren’t thinking in terms of deep systems change.” But he disappoints us. For he writes referring to his goals quoted in the previous paragraph, “We’re not there yet, but it’s where we’re headed.” The word “ambition” and the sentence “it’s where we’re headed.” convey an air of final goal, give the impression that Hopkins and Transition do not share Trainer’s long-term goal of scrapping the present-day economy and market forces. They only want to “shift the focus”, make things “better”, ”healthier”, and “safer” than they are today. That is of course much more than community gardens, but it is not clear how they are different from “sustainable development” of the 1980s. Only one thing is clear; they definitely want to overcome economic globalization, make the economy as local as possible.

Hopkins knows “that we live in a world of limits”, he knows about capitalism’s growth imperative. But I have not found any clear statement saying that in rich countries resource consumption must be reduced by 90%. He is thinking of investments and social returns. In an interview he gave to a German magazine Hopkins (2014b) says: “We have started a forum for local entrepreneurship, in which people with ideas for sustainable business can meet with potential investors and promoters.” He says further in the same interview: „But how big must an enterprise really be so that it can earn enough to ensure the livelihood of its employees and at the same time make profits for further local projects? I do not think that for this purpose we must open up export markets in China or set up franchise firms everywhere in the world.“

From all that one gets the impression that Hopkins and Transition, although they want to see many things change, do not want to change the system. But Trainer is striving for system change, a very radical one. He thinks not only capitalism but also industrial society has to be scrapped in order to save the biosphere and create a sustainable and just human society. This perspective is not only pessimistic, but also fearsome, particularly for the European and North American middle class. In the meantime, it is also fearsome for the middle classes of China, India, Brazil etc. No wonder that Ernst Ulrich von Weizsäcker in his transition perspective presented in 1992 wrote:

„To ask Europeans, Americans and Japanese to dress in sackcloth and ashes and renounce prosperity and progress, is a strategy doomed to failure. So, in order to be politically accepted by the public, the new way of running the economy should have the character of a new model of prosperity "(1992, 12).

The changes Transition wants to bring about have also been desired and striven for by previous generations of Green and social movement activists since the early 1980s. Their perspective has been called “restructuring industrial society”, “sustainable development”, “sustainable growth”, “green growth”, and “green capitalism”.

So the long-term goals of the two are clearly different, although Trainer supports the Transition movement, whose declared goals and activities he misinterprets to be only immediate ones and hence considers not to be enough. I have the sense that Hopkins and Transition do not want to go any further, because they are afraid of even thinking of radical system change. After all, they in their majority, as Hopkins (2014b) himself has noted, belong to the middle class of Europe and North America, where the movement is very popular. They would have much to lose, much more than the average middle-class African or Indian, if the present system were to be scrapped. That is why, apart from a few honorable exceptions like Trainer, most of their thinkers love to imagine that all problems could be solved through further technological developments like solar and wind energy, carbon capture and sequestering, increasing resource efficiency etc. Hopkins (2014b) finds Germany’s energy transition program “inspiring.” He thinks solar energy, wind energy and local energy combines are making the large energy corporations superfluous. The existing skepticism about renewable energies (shared by Trainer) is apparently unknown to him. Definitely unknown to him are doubts about the viability of solar energy technologies, especially in the bad-weather countries like the UK. It may also be unknown to him that even James Lovelock (father of the Gaia hypothesis) could not be enthusiastic about wind energy and therefore supported nuclear energy.

There is also a qualitative difference between the respective perspectives of Trainer and Hopkins. The local and small-scale economies of Trainer’s grassroots communities would come up in anticipation of and/or as a result of the crisis, possibly collapse, of capitalist industrial economies. They would be planned and administered in an anarchistic socialist way. Hopkins favors bringing assets into community ownership. But for his “vibrant new social enterprises”, he accepts capitalism (investors, profits), albeit one freed from globalization. Although he says he is aware of the growth imperative inherent in capitalism, he (naively) thinks the investors who would invest in local businesses would be satisfied with the meager profits that could be earned by the latter. But anybody with some knowledge of history knows that capitalism began as mainly local, small scale and embedded in society. The monstrous capitalism we see today is the result of capitalism’s inherent growth dynamics. To give one modern-day example, the solar energy industry/movement began with the conception of local, i.e. decentralized, and roof-top solar electricity generation for local consumption. Today we see projects like Desertec (huge solar power plants in the Sahara that would supply 15% of Europe’s total electricity needs) and competition between European and Chinese solar panel producers for larger chunks of the world market.
 
Finally, Hopkins also writes sentences that confuse the reader. It sometimes seems as if he and Transition are not pursuing any clear goal at all. One of his books is entitled The Power of Just Doing Stuff. In it he quotes a participant in the Transition movement as saying: “I felt …that in… my town … there were people that were in need of changing something, just like me. I thought that was amazing, … I thought ‘this is it, we can do something. We can actually change something’.”. The word “something” makes me think, any good thing is enough for this person. Finally, this person and some other people together started a small community garden in their town. Of course, nobody, not even the staunchest capitalist in town, would have any objection to a small community garden.

At one place, Hopkins writes he wants to “enable people to long for” “the world we need to create”. At another place he uses the phrase “where we need to go”. And he concludes the article with the words “…. leading to the change we all want to see”. The italicized words suggest as if Hopkins has a clear idea of his long-term goals. No, wrong. For he also writes: Transition is “evolving. It remains open to new ideas and to processes that work with people to ask questions and shape then where the process goes, what was termed ‘let it go where it wants to go’ in The Transition Handbook.“ And he caps this uncertainty by writing in the last paragraph “Time will tell”.

Such words suggest he does not know yet where the world needs to go. There is no trace of an effort to objectively and rigorously analyze the present world situation, and, therefore, no trace of trying to draw a logical conclusion as regards the long-term goals of the movement. Hopkins does not even know whether he and Transition want to reform or radically change the system. He writes: “It may be that the future will reveal Transition to have been ‘a reformist project posing no threat to consumer-capitalist society’. We’ll see.” This reminds me of the radical but multi-strand origin of the green movement and Green Party of Germany and the latter’s present role of a pillar of consumer-capitalist society.

This is utter confusion.

Different Strategies

Different long-term goals (in the case of Hopkins rather the lack of a clear one) necessarily led Hopkins and Trainer to conceive different strategies. Even in this regard, Hopkins writes contradictory things.

If Transition is only a reform project trying to improve the present consumer-capitalist society, then it is better not to use the term transition, because it connotes, at least in our context, transition to a different socio-economic system that replaces the present one. By whatever name it may be called, also a reform project is a legitimate one, because not all people are convinced that system change is possible, and because many are convinced that the present system can be improved and thus enabled to solve the problems plaguing us. But how does one do it best.

Hopkins first makes an attempt at explaining “why we [including the green Left] are so catastrophically losing the struggle to save the climate.” He stresses one of several factors: It is “the trap that some on the green Left have fallen into for 40years”. He elaborates: “It is a mindset that seeks differences rather than common ground.” We talk to everyone, but not to each other. And “there is little mindfulness about how the way in which we communicate our message comes across to people beyond the bubble.”

I beg to differ. Nobody on the Left or the green Left seeks differences. The differences are real, they simply exist, and are often based on different material interests. Yet, in my decades of experience in India and Germany, more often than not, I have seen various progressive groups in the list of George Lakoff (whom Hopkins quotes) building alliances, united fronts etc. for particular struggles (e.g. in the peace movement, environmental protection movement etc.) One glaring example of failure to do so was when in the early 1930s Communists and Social Democrats failed to build an alliance against the Nazis, which indeed resulted in a catastrophe.

As regards the second point, Hopkins criticizes Trainer for using “language” (i.e. the way in which he communicates his message) that is unsuitable for the purpose. He writes, Trainer communicates in a “language” that is “guaranteed to exclude most of the community”, “guaranteed to turn off 98% of the population.” Trainer certainly does not want to exclude anybody. But it is true that at present most people in the world are not listening to him and to people like him.

However, to make the matter clear, it is not actually Trainer’s “language” that is turning off the 98%. All his addressees understand English, and the words Trainer uses are very clear. He is also not inciting people to stage a coup or an armed uprising. It is actually the contents of his writings, not the way he communicates his message, that are the problem. For the 98% in Europe and North America, unfortunately, it is still inconceivable that they must reduce their resource consumption by 90% and abolish capitalism, that has brought them so much prosperity, in order to protect the environment and adjust to the rapid exhaustion of resources.

But what do you do then? Do you then change your goals, give up your conviction? Do you then hide inconvenient facts, say only nice things, against your conviction, in order to be loved by the majority? Or do you strain to be noncommittal and say vague things that cannot put anybody off? In that case, you are a typical politician in the worst sense of the term, and not a political activist. Even a genuine reform project needs committed activists who tell the truth and are not afraid of displeasing voters. Such activists tell people frankly what changes they think are necessary in order to improve the present system. Hopkins finds Trainer’s arguments “entirely reasonable”; yet he chastises him for presenting them frankly.

But here I also differ with Trainer a bit. In his critique of Transition, Trainer, surprisingly for me, wrote: “Sudden or noisy calls for more radical goals would harm these movements.” How? Does Trainer think that the time is not ripe yet? Or that the masses are not intelligent or mature enough? I think it is high time that all citizens of the world are fully informed about the dire situation humanity and the earth are in today. And I think all people are intelligent and mature enough to understand the basic truths of this situation. We only need to present them to the people. The goals he calls “more radical” are actually absolute necessities. True, many activists with whom you must form alliances would say this or that goal is not realistic because the rulers, or even the masses, would by no means accept the corresponding demands. In that case you can still continue cooperation with the alliance partners on the basis of a list of immediate minimum demands (which Hopkins calls seeking common grounds), while carrying on your no-holds-barred educative work outside the alliance. This quoted view of Trainer even bewilders Hopkins, who writes: “Trainer’s is a bewildering perspective. On the one hand he argues that ‘sudden or noisy calls for more radical goals would harm these movements’ and on the other he argues that the path Transition is on ‘will lead only to a grossly and increasingly unsustainable and unjust consumer society, containing a lot of community gardens etc.” 

Hopkins writes: “… whatever gets us to where we need to go will need to think bigger, reimagine the language it uses, and seek to build common ground [with the 98%] rather than talking itself into a corner while everyone else is looking in a different direction.” As I (also Trainer) have shown, Hopkins has no clear idea as to where we need to go in the long run in order to make the world resilient to the serious crises that are ongoing and impending. He therefore adopts what may be called a weathercock strategy in order not to talk himself into a corner. But in the times we are living in, it is necessary to tell the truth, however unpleasant it may be to the 98%. It is necessary, if need be, to talk oneself into a corner rather than joining the 98% on their common ground. It is the minority’s duty to honestly criticize the 98% majority, even if the personal price to be paid for that may be high. It is the minority’s duty to lead the majority to the unpleasant truth and to the unpleasant solutions to our problems and crises rather than enjoy the pleasant warmth of being a member of the majority. In practical life, for just living, we are compelled to make many compromises. Let us not make compromises even in our thinking and expressing our thoughts. Fortunately, today, people like Trainer are no longer as isolated as Hopkins imagines. People are not little children from whom you must hide inconvenient facts. There was recently a De-growth Conference in Leipzig, in which 3000 people took part. In 2011, a congress entitled “Beyond Growth” took place in Berlin.

Elsewhere in his article, Hopkins has written things in the posture of a skilful leader, although he is only following the majority. He writes for example: “But this is only going to work if we find the skilful means to take people along with us, indeed, the skilful means to enable people to long for the world we need to create, because the very possibilities it presents make their hearts sing”. I am all for skilful means of doing things. I am all for able people taking the leadership in any project. But the leaders must know clearly – on the basis of an objective, free-of-illusions analysis of the present situation – where the journey should go. However, I am doubtful about “enabl[ing] people to long for the world we need to create.” They will not long for it, when they have heard the truth. But they can be convinced that it is a matter of necessity. The possibilities this world will offer will not exactly make the hearts of the global middle class sing. But it will be a just world, for the poor of today and also for the other species that share the earth with us. And that will somehow make us happy, though not jubilant.

It is right, as Hopkins expresses it, that “banging on at people about the need to ‘revolution’ and peppering sentences with ‘radical’ and so on have clearly failed to bring about the change needed. It doesn’t work. It’s a busted flush. It has failed in nearly everything it has tried to achieve.” But these have been some of the old Left’s methods, not its strategy of bringing about a socialist society. Of course the strategy too has failed, but it is irrelevant to say this here. For neither Trainer nor other kinds of Left (for example, eco-socialists) are today proposing to follow the old strategy (class struggle, proletarian revolution etc.) of the old Left for attaining the old goal of realizing the old model of a socialist society. Why the old Left failed to attain its goal has been analyzed by various people including many leftists (for my analysis see Sarkar 1999). The old theory of change is not valid any more. New theories and strategies have been proposed by many including Trainer (for my theory and strategy of change, see ibid and Sarkar 2013).

Hopkins says he (with Transition) is taking a different route, a more skilful one. He is welcome to try it. As of today, we may safely say that no ideal path has yet been found that guarantees success in our efforts to achieve our respective goals. We can also safely say that whatever path we take, it would be full of difficulties and pain. For to forgo the comforts and luxuries resulting from economic growth would undoubtedly be painful for people who have till now enjoyed them. Sometimes people imagine it to be easy to withdraw our support for the system (Hopkins) or to simply walk out of it (Trainer). But actually it is the most difficult thing. For over the centuries we have increasingly become dependent on it. It is also not easy for activists to design whole settlements of a new kind (Trainer) or to take collective control of our town (Trainer).

However, it has been seen in the history of mankind that we humans are also capable of being inspired by ideals and values. If Transition can, through its skilful methods, inspire people for ist goals – which, of course, are not enough, but nevertheless deserve our support – if it can instill confidence (a can-do feeling) in ordinary people, then we “radicals” may also hope that our superior ideals and values will one day gain support, at least acceptance, among the broad masses, although they will not exactly “riot” for it. There are one thousand reasons to be pessimistic. But we are not dead yet. So let us go on trying.

Literature:

Hopkins, Rob & Katrin Lange (2014b) “Wir wollen das Wirtschaftssystem verändern” (interview), in Evident (magazine: a supplement in Süddeutsche Zeitung), No. 1/2014.

Hopkins, Rob (2014a): “Responding to Ted Trainer: there's a lot more to Transition than community gardens”:
https://www.transitionnetwork.org/blogs/rob-hopkins/2014-09/responding-ted-trainer-theres-lot-more-transition-community-gardens

Sarkar, Saral (1999) Eco-Socialism or Eco-Capitalism? – A Critical Analysis of Humanity’s Fundamental Choices. London: Zed Books.

Sarkar, Saral (2013) Correspondence with Kamran Nayeri:
https://groups.google.com/forum/#!searchin/thesimplerway/Letter$20to$20Kamran%7Csort:relevance/thesimplerway/kiIWzW7uu2U/NUTvILJPtsQJ

Trainer, Ted (2014) “Transition Townspeople, We Need To Think About Transition: Just Doing Stuff Is Far From Enough!”:
http://blog.postwachstum.de/transition-townspeople-we-need-to-think-about-transition-just-doing-stuff-is-far-from-enough-20140801

Weizsäcker, Ernst Ulrich von (1992) Erdpolitik. Ökologische Realpolitik an der Schwelle zum Jahrhundert der Umwelt. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.